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Thursday, March 29, 2012

Tehelka - India's Independent Weekly News Magazine

Tehelka - India's Independent Weekly News Magazine:

The Giant In The Shadows
Dilip Tirkey, an Adivasi boy, rose from one of India’s poorest regions to become the most capped player in international hockey. So why is he retiring into obscurity, asks VAIBHAV VATS
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Stripes of honour Dilip Tirkey at his Bhubaneswar home
In early May, Dilip Tirkey, former Indian hockey captain and iconic defender, was playing in a small six-aside local tournament in Bhubaneswar. Suddenly during halftime, he called a few journalists present and told them he would never wear the India jersey again. This decision even caught his wife Meera unawares. “He had been talking about retiring for a long time, but I never thought he would do it like that,” she says. That evening, when he returned home, Tirkey, 32, sobbed inconsolably and refused to look at his dinner. an epoch in Indian hockey had come to an abrupt end.
It could easily seem a mere writer’s trick, but in a rare irony, a few days later, Tirkey stood waiting alone outside a mall in Bhubaneswar’s upscale Jayadev Vihar area — dwarfed by a giant hoarding of Mahendra Singh Dhoni. Poignantly capturing the contrasting arcs of two sporting lives. It is a brief meeting — Tirkey is out for a private dinner. But it’s clear the lanky allegend is still coming to grips with retirement. Hockey was the fulcrum of his life. To wake up one day and suddenly abandon a way of life is disorienting. “I still cannot believe I’ve left hockey,” he says. “There’s this voice at the back of my head that keeps asking me to go to practice.”
The next day, at his government bungalow in Bhubaneswar’s dour Unit 8 area, it is surprising to find a Toyota Fortuner parked at the entrance. It’s not his, he says, it belongs to his brother-inlaw. apt perhaps, because even after 15 glorious years in hockey, the story of Dilip Tirkey is far removed from the svelte world of SUVs.
Tirkey stood waiting alone outside a mall in Bhubaneswar dwarfed by a huge hoarding of Mahendra Singh Dhoni
Sundergarh, an adivasi district in western Orissa, bordering Chhattisgarh, is one of India’s poorest regions. Its parched, dry landscape allows cultivation just once a year. In the early part of the 20th century, as missionary activity spread in the region, it brought along another civic religion — hockey.
Hockey took root like nothing else ever had — its democratic ethos far more in tune with the egalitarian structure of adivasi life than a hierarchal game such as cricket. any social occasion — birth ceremonies, weddings, festivals — could become the context for a hockey game. The prizes are a world away from the opulence of commercial sport — village teams usually play for a live chicken or a goat that later become a rare feast. The non-cultivating months from October to December become the ‘season’ — tournaments between village teams take place, in which more than 100 teams participate. Growing up in this fevered milieu, Tirkey remembers walking kilometres to watch hockey games between rival villages. “Sometimes when the games were a little farther, I borrowed a cycle,” he says.
However, his father Vincent Tirkey, a CRPF man who played state-level hockey for Orissa, was not content to let his son’s obvious talent fritter away. “Dilip’s father had just one dream that his son play for India,” says Chulu Barla, the sarpanch of Saunamara village, where Tirkey grew up.
The national Sports Talent Contest (NSTC) was the opportunity Tirkey was waiting for. (another young sportsman who was the beneficiary of the nSTC that year was a footballer named Baichung Bhutia). yet, for a little oversight, one of hockey’s great stories may never have begun. AK Bansal, the coach and mentor with whom Tirkey was to form a lifelong partnership, was not particularly struck by his skills in the early trials. “It was later when I was watching a practice game that I realised that the boy was exceptional,” says Bansal.
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Defence mechanism Dilip Tirkey in action at the Asia Cup
BANSAL THINKS it was not his disciple’s talent that propelled him to the pinnacle of world hockey. “If I’m honest, I would say there were a few boys even more talented,” he says. “But, it was his determination and eagerness to take up any challenge that struck me most.”
Later, it was this quality that was to redeem Tirkey and set him on an unlikely course. During the nehru Cup, a national tournament for sub-juniors, Bansal found that the Orissa team was overburdened with strikers, while it lacked strength in defence. After a defender got injured, Bansal asked Tirkey — who had always played as a forward — to step up. “I always thought he would make a good defender,” he says.
Growing up in hockey-mad Sundergarh, Tirkey remembers walking kilometres to watch games between rival villages
Until then, Tirkey had spent an unfulfilled time on the bench. “The coach came to me and asked — defence mein khelega?” he remembers. He jumped at this chance, and irrevocably made the position his own. Later, when he was picked for the senior state team, he produced a series of sterling performances at the back. It seemed only a matter of time before the India call came.
However, on his international debut,Tirkey felt a mixture of bewilderment and anxiety at the thought of sharing the dressing room with Pargat Singh, the fiery full-back from Jalandhar he idolised. It was Pargat who broke the ice. “He never abused me, even if I committed a blunder,” Tirkey says. Later, the master and the proteģe would go on to form a memorable partnership, terrorising defences with their runs on the wing. “Each knew what the other would do,” says Pargat, recalling the intuitive dynamic they shared.
Miraculously, Tirkey’s career graph made its way through the turbulent and controversial world of Indian hockey like a steady, purposeful stream. From his debut in 1995 to 2001, he never missed a single game for the national team. This was as much down to his resolve to stay out of controversy as his famed fitness. “He never argued or politicked,” says Pargat. “His only interest was in playing hockey.”
Pargat thinks of Tirkey as one of the most consistent players he has ever seen, but refused to be drawn on the question of his best performance. It is easy to see why — to pose that question is to open a Pandora’s box of contrasting opinions. Events and anecdotes reel off — the ball from Sohail Abbas that smashed his cheekbone in the Indo-Pak test series; leading India to victory in the 2003 Afro-Asian Games; his valiant effort against Poland in the Sydney Olympics and his rock-like presence in the gold-winning 1998 Asian Games in Bangkok.
IN HIS house, Tirkey’s living room is testament to overachievement — the deluge of medals and trophies adequately reflect the career of a man who played more international international hockey games — 403 — than any other player in history. Yet, some regrets still remain, and it is these that evoke most emotion. “I was never able to win a medal at the Olympics or the World Cup, and that I will always miss,” he says.
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The daily beast Even after retiring, fitness remains an obsession for Tirkey
His closest brush with Olympic glory was also the most heartbreaking. In 2000, at Sydney, India needed a win against abysmal Poland to make it to the semi-finals. The team was leading 1-0 from a Dilip Tirkey goal, and was coasting, when a lastminute equaliser struck them like a bolt from the blue. “It was like a funeral,” Tirkey says of the dressing room. “Some players were crying and others tried to console them silently.” Demoralised, India finished seventh.
What did it mean for him to be only the second Adivasi to lead India? “I will never forget that moment — when I led the team out onto the pitch in the Athens Olympics. It was a dream and an honour to lead India,” he said. It is a reply as honest as it is banal. The unexpressed frisson lies in Sundergarh, 450 km away.
A whole array of hockey skills is on display in the sweltering May heat. But some play without shoes. One team plays shirtless
In the harsh dustlands that make up the periphery of Sundergarh town, there is an oasis of green. Every day in the sweltering May heat, 150 boys and girls — selected from 500 aspirants in the district’s villages — practice on the shiny green astroturf. Most of them are no more than 12, yet their serious intent belies their age.
In a practice game, the whole array of skills is on display — dazzling dribbles, short, crisp passes, clean tackles, intelligent scoops — a powerhouse of raw talent that would equal the footballers from a Brazilian favela in precocity as well as poverty. Some play without shoes, as their families cannot afford to buy a pair. In a practice game, one team plays shirtless because no jerseys are available.
THEIR COACH, Tej Kumar Xess, talks from the sidelines as he barks instructions intermittently. “Hockey was always popular in Sundergarh, but it exploded after Dilip Tirkey,” he says. After Tirkey’s rise to the national team, a slew of players from the region made it to the national team. Prabodh and Ignace Tirkey, Lazarus Barla and William Xalxo all became household names, and inspired another generation in turn.
An answer could also be found in the two houses of Dilip Tirkey in his native Saunamara village — one stands amidst a mud-roofed cluster of huts, the other is an impressive whitewashed façade that stands next to the village church. For young kids in the village, it is evidence of the possibilities of social transformation through the wielding of a hockey stick.
It is this talent and hope that Tirkey would like to nurture. Coaching is where his heart lies, but the future is uncertain. He has plans for a state-of-the-art academy in Bhubaneswar — there have been encouraging noises, but nothing more. Tirkey, who is reluctant to criticise even in retrospect, gets impassioned when hockey is the subject. “I want to adopt promising players, so that they can solely focus on hockey,” he says.
However, instead of devoting all his energies to hockey, Tirkey may find himself at an accounts desk — he works as a sales manager at Indian Airlines — lost in the maze of balance sheets, taking orders from superiors. After being at the pinnacle of the game for 15 years, he has to face the prospect of going back to the rigours of a daily job.
In the nether world of hockey, Tirkey has managed a few low-level endorsements (a cement company, a local cable network). It is a life of moderate prosperity — his best deal earned him Rs 30 lakh. Tirkey has often been compared to rahul Dravid, even bestowed with the same nickname — the Wall. But the similiarities end there. Can we ever imagine Dravid settling back into a mundane bank job after spending a decade in international cricket? But the awareness that hockey is a stepchild of Indian sport has engendered a sort of resignation.
The last time we meet, our conversation is interrupted by a couple of fans who want Tirkey’s autograph. Tirkey is pleasantly surprised — even in his home state, he is a stranger to mass adulation. Sitting in the restaurant, Tirkey appears restive, anxious, incessantly fiddling with his unkempt mane. His replies are monosyllabic. Thoughts about the future consume him — he has a sixmonth- old son. Later that evening, he is meeting some sponsors for his academy.
But even after two decades, the thought of a break away from the game that has consumed his life seems implausible — it remains his true, singular vocation. “Hockey is in my blood,” he says. He walks off shortly after, already dreaming of newer horizons in a city that may one day embrace the hero in their midst.
WRITER’S EMAIL
vaibhav@tehelka.com


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His Own Mt Sinai | Salman Rushdie

His Own Mt Sinai | Salman Rushdie:

LOOKING BACK
His Own Mt Sinai
As Midnight's Children celebrates its 25th anniversary, Salman Rushdie recalls its long and painful birth - and the day Indira Gandhi sued him for one sentence
SALMAN RUSHDIE




In 1975 I published my first novel, Grimus, and decided to use the seven-hundred-pound advance to travel in India as cheaply as possible for as long as I could make the money last, and on that journey of fifteen-hour bus rides and humble hostelries Midnight's Children was born.

It was the year that India became a nuclear power and Margaret Thatcher was elected leader of the Conservative Party and Sheikh Mujib, the founder of Bangladesh, was murdered; when the Baader-Meinhof Gang was on trial in Stuttgart and Bill Clinton married Hillary Rodham and the last Americans were evacuated from Saigon and Generalissimo Franco died. In Cambodia it was the Khmer Rouge's bloody Year Zero. E.L. Doctorow published Ragtime that year, and David Mamet wrote American Buffalo, and Eugenio Montale won the Nobel Prize. And just after my return from India, Mrs Indira Gandhi was convicted of election fraud, and one week after my twenty-eighth birthday she declared a State of Emergency and assumed tyrannical powers. It was the beginning of a long period of darkness which would not end until 1977. I understood almost at once that Mrs G. had somehow become central to my still-tentative literary plans.

I had wanted for some time to write a novel of childhood, arising from my memories of my own childhood in Bombay. Now, having drunk deeply from the well of India, I conceived a more ambitious plan. I remembered a minor character named Saleem Sinai, born at the midnight moment of Indian independence, who had appeared in the abandoned draft of a still-born novel called The Antagonist. As I placed Saleem at the centre of my new scheme I understood that his time of birth would oblige me immensely to increase the size of my canvas. If he and India were to be paired, I would need to tell the story of both twins. Then Saleem, ever a striver for meaning, suggested to me that the whole of modern Indian history happened as it did because of him; that history, the life of his nation-twin, was somehow all his fault. With that immodest proposal the novel's characteristic tone of voice, comically assertive, unrelentingly garrulous, and with, I hope, a growing pathos in its narrator's increasingly tragic overclaiming, came into being. I even made the boy and the country identical twins. When the sadistic geography teacher Emil Zagallo, giving the boys a lesson in 'human geography,' compares Saleem's nose to the Deccan peninsula, the cruelty of his joke is also, obviously, mine.

There were many problems along the way, most of them literary, some of them urgently practical. When we returned from India I was broke. The novel in my head was clearly going to be long and strange and take quite a while to write and in the meanwhile I had no money. As a result I was forced back into the world of advertising. Before we left I had worked for a year or so as a copywriter at the London office of the Ogilvy & Mather agency, whose founder, David Ogilvy, immortally instructed us that 'the consumer is not a moron, she is your wife,' and whose creative director (and my boss) was Dan Ellerington, a man of rumoured Romanian origins with a command of English that was, let us say, eccentric, so that, according to mirthful company legend, he once had to be forcibly restrained from presenting to the Milk Marketing Board a successor campaign to the famous 'Drinka pinta milka day' which would be based on the amazing, the positively Romanian slogan, 'Milk goes down like a dose of salts'. In those less hard-nosed times Ogilvy's was prepared to employ a few oddball creative people on a part-time basis, and I managed to persuade them to re-hire me as one of that happy breed. I worked two or three days a week, essentially job-sharing with another part-timer, the writer Jonathan Gathorne-Hardy, author of The Rise and Fall of the British Nanny. On Friday nights I would come home to Kentish Town from the agency's offices near Waterloo Bridge, take a long hot bath, wash the week's commerce away, and emerge—or so I told myself—as a novelist. As I look back, I feel a touch of pride at my younger self's dedication to literature, which gave him the strength of mind to resist the blandishments of the enemies of promise. The sirens of ad-land sang sweetly and seductively, but I thought of Odysseus lashing himself to the mast of his ship, and somehow stayed on course.

Still, advertising taught me discipline, forcing me to learn how to get on with whatever task needed getting on with, and ever since those days I have treated my writing simply as a job to be done, refusing myself all (well, most) luxuries of artistic temperament. And it was at my desk at Ogilvy's that I remember becoming worried that I didn't know what my new novel was to be called.
My father was so angry about the character of Ahmed Sinai that he refused to speak to me. When he decided to 'forgive' me, I stopped speaking to him.
I took several hours off from the important work of coming up with campaigns for fresh cream cakes ('Naughty but nice'), Aero chocolate bars ('Irresistibubble'), and the Daily Mirrornewspaper ('Look into the Mirror tomorrow—you'll like what you see') to solve the problem. In the end I had two titles and couldn't choose between them: Midnight's Children and Children of Midnight. I typed them out one after the other, over and over, and then all at once I understood that there was no contest, that Children of Midnight was a banal title and Midnight's Children a good one. To know the title was also to understand the book better, and after that it became easier, a little easier, to write.

I have written and spoken elsewhere about my debt to the oral narrative traditions of India; also to those great Indian novelists, Jane Austen and Charles Dickens—Austen for her portraits of brilliant women caged by the social convention of their time, women whose Indian counterparts I knew well; Dickens for his great, rotting, Bombay-like city, and his ability to root his larger-than-life characters and surrealist imagery in a sharply observed, almost hyper-realistic background, out of which the comic and fantastic elements of his work seemed to grow organically, becoming intensifications of, and not escapes from, the real world. I have probably said enough, too, about my interest in creating a literary idiolect that allowed the rhythms and thought patterns of Indian languages to blend with the idiosyncrasies of 'Hinglish' and 'Bambaiyya', the polyglot street-slang of Bombay. The novel's interest in the slippages and distortions of memory will also, I think, be evident enough to the reader. This may, however, be an appropriate moment to give thanks to the original people from whom my fictional characters sprang: my family, my ayah Miss Mary Menezes and my childhood friends.

My father was so angry about the character of 'Ahmed Sinai' that he refused to speak to me for many months; then he decided to 'forgive' me, which annoyed me so much that for several more months I refused to speak to him. I had been more worried about my mother's reaction to the book, but she immediately understood that it was 'just a story—Saleem isn't you, Amina isn't me, they're all just characters,' thus demonstrating that her level head was a lot more use to her than my father's Cambridge University education in English literature was to him. My sister Sameen, who really was called 'the brass monkey' as a girl, was also happy with the use I'd made of my raw material, even though some of that raw material was her. Of the reactions of my boyhood friends and schoolmates Arif Tayabali, Darab and Fudli Talyarkhan, Keith Stevenson and Percy Karanjia I can't be sure, but I must thank them for having contributed bits of themselves (not always the best bits) to the characters of Sonny Ibrahim, Eyeslice and Hairoil, and Fat Perce and Glandy Keith. Evie Burns was born out of an Australian girl, Beverly Burns, the first girl I ever kissed: the real Beverly was no bicycle queen, though, and I lost touch with her after she returned to Australia. Masha Miovic the champion breast-stroker owed something to the real-life Alenka Miovic, but a couple of years ago I received a letter about Midnight's Children from Alenka's father in Serbia, in which he mentioned a little crushingly that his daughter had no memory of ever having met me during her childhood years in Bombay. So it goes. Between the adored and the adorer falls the shadow.

And as for Mary Menezes, my second mother, who never really loved a revolutionary nursing-home employee or swapped any babies at birth, who lived to a hundred, who never married and always called me her son, she was illiterate, even though she spoke seven or eight languages, so she didn't read the book, but did tell me, one afternoon in Bombay in 1982, how proud she was of its success. If she had any objection to what I'd made her character do, she didn't mention it.

I reached the end of Midnight's Children in mid-1979 and sent it to my friend and editor Liz Calder at Jonathan Cape. I afterwards learned that the first reader's report had been brief and forbiddingly negative. 'The author should concentrate on short stories until he has mastered the novel form.' Liz asked for a second report, and this time I was luckier, because the second reader, Susannah Clapp, was enthusiastic; as, after her, was another eminent publishing figure, the editor Catherine Carver.
For all the crimes of Emergency the book mentions, Mrs G took objection to just a line where Saleem gives an account of Sanjay's unbreakable hold over Indira.
Liz bought the book, and soon afterwards so did Bob Gottlieb at Alfred Knopf. I quit my part-time copywriting job. (I had moved on from Ogilvy & Mather to another agency, Ayer Barker Hegemann.) 'Oh,' the Creative Director said when I tendered my resignation, 'you want a rise?' No, I explained, I was just giving notice as required so that I could leave and be a full-time writer. 'I see,' he said. 'You want a big rise.' But on the night Midnight's Children won the Booker, he sent me a telegram of congratulations. 'One of us made it,' it read.

Liz Calder's editing saved me from making at least two bad mistakes. The manuscript as originally submitted contained a second 'audience' character, an off-stage woman journalist to whom Saleem was sending the written pages of his life story which he also read aloud to the 'mighty pickle-woman', Padma. All the book's readers at Cape agreed that this character was redundant, and I'm extremely glad I took their advice. Liz also helped me untangle a knot in the time-line. In the submitted manuscript the story jumped from the Indo-Pakistani war of 1965 to the end of the Bangladesh war, then circled back to tell the story of Saleem's role in that conflict, caught up with itself at the surrender of the Pakistani army, and then went on. Liz felt that there were too many temporal shifts here, and the reader's concentration was broken by them. I agreed to re-structure the story chronologically, and, again, am very relieved that I did. The role of the great publishing editor is often effaced by the editor's modesty. But without Liz Calder, Midnight's Children would have been something rather less than she helped it to become.

The novel's publication was delayed by a series of industrial strikes, but in the end it was published in London in early April 1981, and on April 6th my first wife Clarissa Luard and I threw a party at our friend Tony Stokes's little art gallery in Langley Court, Covent Garden, to celebrate it. I still have the invitation, tucked into my first-received copy of the novel, and can remember feeling, above all, relieved. When I finished the book, I suspected that I might at last have written something good, but I was not sure if anyone else would agree, and I told myself that if the book were generally disliked it would mean that I probably didn't know what a good book was, and should stop wasting my time trying to write one. So there was a lot riding on the novel's reception, and, fortunately, the reviews were good; hence the high spirits in Covent Garden that spring night.

In the West people tended to read Midnight's Children as a fantasy, while in India people thought of it as pretty realistic, almost a history book. ('I could have written your book,' one reader told me when I was lecturing in India in 1982.
Midnight's Childrenis a product of its moment in history, touched and shaped by its time. I'm glad that it still seems like a book worth reading.
'I know all that stuff.') But it was wonderfully well liked almost everywhere, and changed its author's life. One reader who didn't care for it, however, was Mrs Indira Gandhi, and in 1984, three years after its publication—she was Prime Minister again by this time—she brought an action against it, claiming to have been defamed by one single sentence. It appeared in the penultimate paragraph of chapter 28, 'A wedding', a paragraph in which Saleem provides a brief account of Mrs Gandhi's life. This was it: 'It has often been said that Mrs Gandhi's younger son Sanjay accused his mother of being responsible, through her neglect, for his father's death; and that this gave him an unbreakable hold over her, so that she became incapable of denying him anything.' Tame stuff, you might think, not really the kind of thing a thick-skinned politician would usually sue a novelist for mentioning, and an odd choice of casus belli in a book that excoriated Indira for the many crimes of the Emergency. After all, it was a thing much said in India in those days, had often been in print, and was indeed reprinted prominently in the Indian press ('The sentence Mrs Gandhi is afraid of' read one front-page headline) after she brought her action for defamation. Yet she sued nobody else.

Before the book's publication, Cape's lawyers had been worried about my criticisms of Mrs Gandhi and had asked me to write them a letter in support of the claims I was making. In this letter I justified the text to their satisfaction, except with regard to one sentence which, as I said, was hard to substantiate, as it was about three people, two of whom were dead, while the third would be the one suing us. However, I argued, as I was clearly characterizing the information as gossip, and as it had been printed before, we should be all right. The lawyers agreed; and then, three years later, this one sentence, the novel's Achilles heel, was the very sentence Mrs Gandhi tried to spear. This was not, in my view, a coincidence.

The case never came to court. The law of defamation is highly technical, and to repeat a defamatory rumour is to commit the defamation oneself, so technically we were in the wrong. Mrs Gandhi was not asking for damages, only for the sentence to be removed from future editions of the book. The only defence we had was a high-risk route: we would have had to argue that her actions during the Emergency were so heinous that she could no longer be considered a person of good character, and could therefore not be defamed. In other words, we would have had, in effect, to put her on trial for her misdeeds. But if, in the end, a British court refused to accept that the Prime Minister of India was not a woman of good character, then we would be, not to put too fine a point upon it, royally screwed. Unsurprisingly, this was not the strategy which Cape wished to follow—and when it became clear that she was also willing to accept that this was her sole complaint against the book, I agreed to settle the matter. It was after all an amazing admission she was making, considering what the Emergency chapters ofMidnight's Children were about. Her willingness to make such an admission felt to me like an extraordinary validation of the novel's portrait of those Emergency years. The reaction to the settlement in India was not favourable to the Prime Minister. A few short weeks later, stunningly, she was dead, assassinated on October 31st, 1984, by her Sikh bodyguards. 'All of us who love India,' I wrote in a newspaper article, 'are in mourning today.' In spite of our disagreements, I meant every word.

This is by now an old story. I rehearse it here in part because I worried from the beginning that incorporating such momentarily 'hot' contemporary material in the novel was a risk—and by that I meant a literary risk, not a legal one. One day, I knew, the subject of Mrs Gandhi and the Emergency would cease to be current, would no longer exercise anyone overmuch, and at that point, I told myself, my novel would either get worse—because it would lose the power of topicality—or else it would get better—because once the topical had faded, the novel's literary architecture would stand alone, and even, perhaps, be better appreciated. Clearly, I hoped for the latter, but there was no way to be sure. The fact that Midnight's Children is still of interest twenty-five years after it first appeared is, therefore, reassuring.

In 1981, Margaret Thatcher was British Prime Minister, the American hostages in Iran were released, President Reagan was shot and wounded, there were race riots across Britain, the Pope was shot and wounded, Picasso's Guernica went back to Spain, and President Sadat of Egypt was assassinated. It was the year of V.S. Naipaul's Among the Believers and Robert Stone's A Flag for Sunrise and John Updike's Rabbit is Rich. Like all novels, Midnight's Children is a product of its moment in history, touched and shaped by its time in ways which its author cannot wholly know. I am very glad that it still seems like a book worth reading in this very different time. If it can pass the test of another generation or two, it may endure. I will not be around to see that. But I am happy that I saw it leap the first hurdle.

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Friday, March 23, 2012

George Lakoff tells how conservatives use language to dominate politics

George Lakoff tells how conservatives use language to dominate politics:
Web Feature
George LakoffLinguistics professor George Lakoff at the Free Speech Movement Café. (BAP photos)
Framing the issues: UC Berkeley professor George Lakoff tells how conservatives use language to dominate politics
By Bonnie Azab Powell, NewsCenter | 27 October 2003
BERKELEY – With Republicans controlling the Senate, the House, and the White House and enjoying a large margin of victory for California Governor-elect Arnold Schwarzenegger, it's clear that the Democratic Party is in crisis. George Lakoff, a UC Berkeley professor of linguistics and cognitive science, thinks he knows why. Conservatives have spent decades defining their ideas, carefully choosing the language with which to present them, and building an infrastructure to communicate them, says Lakoff.
The work has paid off: by dictating the terms of national debate, conservatives have put progressives firmly on the defensive.
George LakoffGeorge Lakoff dissects "war on terror" and other conservative catchphrases 
Read the August 26, 2004, follow-up interview
In 2000 Lakoff and seven other faculty members from Berkeley and UC Davis joined together to found the Rockridge Institute, one of the few progressive think tanks in existence in the U.S. The institute offers its expertise and research on a nonpartisan basis to help progressives understand how best to get their messages across. The Richard & Rhoda Goldman Distinguished Professor in the College of Letters & Science, Lakoff is the author of "Moral Politics: How Liberals and Conservatives Think," first published in 1997 and reissued in 2002, as well as several other books on how language affects our lives. He is taking a sabbatical this year to write three books - none about politics - and to work on several Rockridge Institute research projects.
In a long conversation over coffee at the Free Speech Movement Café, he told the NewsCenter's Bonnie Azab Powell why the Democrats "just don't get it," why Schwarzenegger won the recall election, and why conservatives will continue to define the issues up for debate for the foreseeable future.
Why was the Rockridge Institute created, and how do you define its purpose?
I got tired of cursing the newspaper every morning. I got tired of seeing what was going wrong and not being able to do anything about it.
The background for Rockridge is that conservatives, especially conservative think tanks, have framed virtually every issue from their perspective. They have put a huge amount of money into creating the language for their worldview and getting it out there. Progressives have done virtually nothing. Even the new Center for American Progress, the think tank that John Podesta [former chief of staff for the Clinton administration] is setting up, is not dedicated to this at all. I asked Podesta who was going to do the Center's framing. He got a blank look, thought for a second and then said, "You!" Which meant they haven't thought about it at all. And that's the problem. Liberals don't get it. They don't understand what it is they have to be doing.
Rockridge's job is to reframe public debate, to create balance from a progressive perspective. It's one thing to analyze language and thought, it's another thing to create it. That's what we're about. It's a matter of asking 'What are the central ideas of progressive thought from a moral perspective?'
How does language influence the terms of political debate?
Language always comes with what is called "framing." Every word is defined relative to a conceptual framework. If you have something like "revolt," that implies a population that is being ruled unfairly, or assumes it is being ruled unfairly, and that they are throwing off their rulers, which would be considered a good thing. That's a frame.

'Conservatives understand what unites them, and they understand how to talk about it, and they are constantly updating their research on how best to express their ideas.'
-George Lakoff
If you then add the word "voter" in front of "revolt," you get a metaphorical meaning saying that the voters are the oppressed people, the governor is the oppressive ruler, that they have ousted him and this is a good thing and all things are good now. All of that comes up when you see a headline like "voter revolt" - something that most people read and never notice. But these things can be affected by reporters and very often, by the campaign people themselves.
Here's another example of how powerful framing is. In Arnold Schwarzenegger's acceptance speech, he said, "When the people win, politics as usual loses." What's that about? Well, he knows that he's going to face a Democratic legislature, so what he has done is frame himself and also Republican politicians as the people, while framing Democratic politicians as politics as usual - in advance. The Democratic legislators won't know what hit them. They're automatically framed as enemies of the people.
Why do conservatives appear to be so much better at framing?
Because they've put billions of dollars into it. Over the last 30 years their think tanks have made a heavy investment in ideas and in language. In 1970, [Supreme Court Justice] Lewis Powell wrote a fateful memo to the National Chamber of Commerce saying that all of our best students are becoming anti-business because of the Vietnam War, and that we needed to do something about it. Powell's agenda included getting wealthy conservatives to set up professorships, setting up institutes on and off campus where intellectuals would write books from a conservative business perspective, and setting up think tanks. He outlined the whole thing in 1970. They set up the Heritage Foundation in 1973, and the Manhattan Institute after that. [There are many others, including the American Enterprise Institute and the Hoover Institute at Stanford, which date from the 1940s.]
And now, as the New York Times Magazine quoted Paul Weyrich, who started the Heritage Foundation, they have 1,500 conservative radio talk show hosts. They have a huge, very good operation, and they understand their own moral system. They understand what unites conservatives, and they understand how to talk about it, and they are constantly updating their research on how best to express their ideas.
Why haven't progressives done the same thing?
There's a systematic reason for that. You can see it in the way that conservative foundations and progressive foundations work. Conservative foundations give large block grants year after year to their think tanks. They say, 'Here's several million dollars, do what you need to do.' And basically, they build infrastructure, they build TV studios, hire intellectuals, set aside money to buy a lot of books to get them on the best-seller lists, hire research assistants for their intellectuals so they do well on TV, and hire agents to put them on TV. They do all of that. Why? Because the conservative moral system, which I analyzed in "Moral Politics," has as its highest value preserving and defending the "strict father" system itself. And that means building infrastructure. As businessmen, they know how to do this very well.
Meanwhile, liberals' conceptual system of the "nurturant parent" has as its highest value helping individuals who need help. The progressive foundations and donors give their money to a variety of grassroots organizations. They say, 'We're giving you $25,000, but don't waste a penny of it. Make sure it all goes to the cause, don't use it for administration, communication, infrastructure, or career development.' So there's actually a structural reason built into the worldviews that explains why conservatives have done better.
Back up for a second and explain what you mean by the strict father and nurturant parent frameworks.
Well, the progressive worldview is modeled on a nurturant parent family. Briefly, it assumes that the world is basically good and can be made better and that one must work toward that. Children are born good; parents can make them better. Nurturing involves empathy, and the responsibility to take care of oneself and others for whom we are responsible. On a larger scale, specific policies follow, such as governmental protection in form of a social safety net and government regulation, universal education (to ensure competence, fairness), civil liberties and equal treatment (fairness and freedom), accountability (derived from trust), public service (from responsibility), open government (from open communication), and the promotion of an economy that benefits all and functions to promote these values, which are traditional progressive values in American politics.
The conservative worldview, the strict father model, assumes that the world is dangerous and difficult and that children are born bad and must be made good. The strict father is the moral authority who supports and defends the family, tells his wife what to do, and teaches his kids right from wrong. The only way to do that is through painful discipline - physical punishment that by adulthood will become internal discipline. The good people are the disciplined people. Once grown, the self-reliant, disciplined children are on their own. Those children who remain dependent (who were spoiled, overly willful, or recalcitrant) should be forced to undergo further discipline or be cut free with no support to face the discipline of the outside world.

George Lakoff
'Taxes are what you pay to be an American, to live in a civilized society that is democratic and offers opportunity, and where there's an infrastructure that has been paid for by previous taxpayers.'
-George Lakoff
So, project this onto the nation and you see that to the right wing, the good citizens are the disciplined ones - those who have already become wealthy or at least self-reliant - and those who are on the way. Social programs, meanwhile, "spoil" people by giving them things they haven't earned and keeping them dependent. The government is there only to protect the nation, maintain order, administer justice (punishment), and to provide for the promotion and orderly conduct of business. In this way, disciplined people become self-reliant. Wealth is a measure of discipline. Taxes beyond the minimum needed for such government take away from the good, disciplined people rewards that they have earned and spend it on those who have not earned it.
From that framework, I can see why Schwarzenegger appealed to conservatives.
Exactly. In the strict father model, the big thing is discipline and moral authority, and punishment for those who do something wrong. That comes out very clearly in the Bush administration's foreign and domestic policy. With Schwarzenegger, it's in his movies: most of the characters that he plays exemplify that moral system. He didn't have to say a word! He just had to stand up there, and he represents Mr. Discipline. He knows what's right and wrong, and he's going to take it to the people. He's not going to ask permission, or have a discussion, he's going to do what needs to be done, using force and authority. His very persona represents what conservatives are about.
You've written a lot about "tax relief" as a frame. How does it work?
The phrase "Tax relief" began coming out of the White House starting on the very day of Bush's inauguration. It got picked up by the newspapers as if it were a neutral term, which it is not. First, you have the frame for "relief." For there to be relief, there has to be an affliction, an afflicted party, somebody who administers the relief, and an act in which you are relieved of the affliction. The reliever is the hero, and anybody who tries to stop them is the bad guy intent on keeping the affliction going. So, add "tax" to "relief" and you get a metaphor that taxation is an affliction, and anybody against relieving this affliction is a villain.
"Tax relief" has even been picked up by the Democrats. I was asked by the Democratic Caucus in their tax meetings to talk to them, and I told them about the problems of using tax relief. The candidates were on the road. Soon after, Joe Lieberman still used the phrase tax relief in a press conference. You see the Democrats shooting themselves in the foot.
So what should they be calling it?
It's not just about what you call it, if it's the same "it." There's actually a whole other way to think about it. Taxes are what you pay to be an American, to live in a civilized society that is democratic and offers opportunity, and where there's an infrastructure that has been paid for by previous taxpayers. This is a huge infrastructure. The highway system, the Internet, the TV system, the public education system, the power grid, the system for training scientists - vast amounts of infrastructure that we all use, which has to be maintained and paid for. Taxes are your dues - you pay your dues to be an American. In addition, the wealthiest Americans use that infrastructure more than anyone else, and they use parts of it that other people don't. The federal justice system, for example, is nine-tenths devoted to corporate law. The Securities and Exchange Commission and all the apparatus of the Commerce Department are mainly used by the wealthy. And we're all paying for it.
So taxes could be framed as an issue of patriotism.
It is an issue of patriotism! Are you paying your dues, or are you trying to get something for free at the expense of your country? It's about being a member. People pay a membership fee to join a country club, for which they get to use the swimming pool and the golf course. But they didn't pay for them in their membership. They were built and paid for by other people and by this collectivity. It's the same thing with our country - the country as country club, being a member of a remarkable nation. But what would it take to make the discussion about that? Every Democratic senator and all of their aides and every candidate would have to learn how to talk about it that way. There would have to be a manual. Republicans have one. They have a guy named Frank Luntz, who puts out a 500-page manual every year that goes issue by issue on what the logic of the position is from the Republican side, what the other guys' logic is, how to attack it, and what language to use.
What are some other examples of issues that progressives should try to reframe?
There are too many examples, that's the problem. The so-called energy crisis in California should have been called Grand Theft. It was theft, it was the result of deregulation by Pete Wilson, and Davis should have said so from the beginning.
Or take gay marriage, which the right has made a rallying topic. Surveys have been done that say Americans are overwhelmingly against gay marriage. Well, the same surveys show that they also overwhelmingly object to discrimination against gays. These seem to be opposite facts, but they're not. "Marriage" is about sex. When you say "gay marriage," it becomes about gay sex, and approving of gay marriage becomes implicitly about approving of gay sex. And while a lot of Americans don't approve of gay sex, that doesn't mean they want to discriminate against gay people. Perfectly rational position. Framed in that way, the issue of gay marriage will get a lot of negative reaction. But what if you make the issue "freedom to marry," or even better, "the right to marry"? That's a whole different story. Very few people would say they did not support the right to marry who you choose. But the polls don't ask that question, because the right wing has framed that issue.
Do any of the Democratic Presidential candidates grasp the importance of framing?
None. They don't get it at all. But they're in a funny position. The framing changes that have to be made are long-term changes. The conservatives understood this in 1973. By 1980 they had a candidate, Ronald Reagan, who could take all this stuff and run with it. The progressives don't have a candidate now who understands these things and can talk about them. And in order for a candidate to be able to talk about them, the ideas have to be out there. You have to be able to reference them in a sound bite. Other people have to put these ideas into the public domain, not politicians. The question is, How do you get these ideas out there? There are all kinds of ways, and one of the things the Rockridge Institute is looking at is talking to advocacy groups, which could do this very well. They have more of a budget, they're spread all over the place, and they have access to the media.
Right now the Democratic Party is into marketing. They pick a number of issues like prescription drugs and Social Security and ask which ones sell best across the spectrum, and they run on those issues. They have no moral perspective, no general values, no identity. People vote their identity, they don't just vote on the issues, and Democrats don't understand that. Look at Schwarzenegger, who says nothing about the issues. The Democrats ask, How could anyone vote for this guy? They did because he put forth an identity. Voters knew who he is.
Posted by Sandip K. Dasverma at 2:53 AM No comments:

Tuesday, March 20, 2012

5 Words And Phrases Democrats Should Never Say Again | AlterNet

5 Words And Phrases Democrats Should Never Say Again | AlterNet:

5 Words And Phrases Democrats Should Never Say Again

We talk about the "Death Tax" and not the proper term, "Estate Tax." Two little words—"Death Panels"—were capable of nearly derailing the best thing that's happened to health insurance in this country in decades. Harvard-educated President Obama is universally considered "elite," while Yale-educated George W. Bush is considered "down home."
Many Democrats buy into the old saw that the Democratic party has had a history of "tax and spend" policies that needs to change or be lived down somehow. Until the Occupy movement brought the topic front and center, even most Democrats accepted the notion that businesses were "job creators" and worried more about distracting the opposition from this "fact" thandebunking it for the lie it actually is.
Unfortunately, this is because Democrats have failed to speak in a language strong enough to rebut Republicans who have defined who we are and what we want, in a way that doesn't even remotely reflect an iota of the truth, and instantly conjures up the negative in the mind of the listener.
HOW TO TALK LIKE A REPUBLICAN
Professional media strategist Frank Luntz has been providing Republicans with a detailed handbook on exactly what language to use and not to use for decades. He has built up a lexicon that is not only far-reaching and deeply ingrained, but also very, very successful. As Progressive Democratic linguist George Lakoff explains it, this "framing" is crucial to how they've managed to win so much of the debate.
Here are some examples  from Luntz's handbooks, of how the Republican party has been taught to frame the way they talk:
Don’t say "bonus!"
Luntz advised that if [corporations] give their employees an income boost during the holiday season, they should never refer to it as a "bonus."
Don't say that the government "taxes the rich."
Instead, tell [people] that the government "takes from the rich."
This sleight-of-tongue has managed to manipulate at least half the country into believing things that simply are not true. And this type of language mash-up has been so successfully drilled into the vernacular, that Democrats have been hard-pressed to come up with a simple and just-as-effective way to expose the lies beneath them.
"If you give out a bonus at a time of financial hardship, you’re going to make people angry. It’s 'pay for performance.'"
"If you talk about raising taxes on the rich," the public responds favorably, Luntz cautioned. But "if you talk about government taking the money from hardworking Americans, the public says no."
See the 5 Words Democrats Should Never Say Again after the jump. 
DEMOCRATS NEED A HANDBOOK OF OUR OWN
How can Democrats and Progressives fix this? Start by never saying any of the following five words or phrases again.
1. Never say Entitlements.
 –Instead, say Earned Benefits.
While the word "entitlement" was originally coined by Democrats as a way to illustrate that the receiver of the attached benefits was entitled to them by having worked to earn them, or having been taxed to support them, it has been re-defined by the right as akin to a spoiled child who acts as if they're "entitled" even though they are not.
"Earned benefits," on the other hand, cannot be twisted or misconstrued to mean anything other than what what they are: something the recipient has actually earned, as opposed to something they are being given. Social Security and Medicare are paid into through taxes deducted from employees' paychecks, or the paychecks of one's spouse or parent. No one who hasn't either personally paid into these programs, or been the spouse or child of someone who has paid into these programs, or, in the case of Medicare Part B, paid a monthly premium in order to receive them, can extract benefits from these programs.
Here is a perfect example of how the right wing uses the word "entitled" as a pejorative associated with Democrats (emphasis mine):
"Fluke is an entitled liberal, which is both emblematically typical and essentially required for one to be a liberal in today’s American political landscape ...  Her talking points represent a very real attitude quickly manifesting itself into mainstream American thought process: that a person literally deserves the resources of another. This, of course, is the entitlement and dependency culture on which the Democratic Party has rallied around, encouraged, campaigned, and insisted."
Democrats have done nothing of the sort. Recall that the subject at hand is insured individuals. That means that they have paid into the pool in order to be able to take resources out later when needed. Even if the check was dispersed by their employer, it's still their benefit as employees, paid out in the form of insurance coverage in lieu of cash compensation. Not to mention any shared responsibility the employee, or in Sandra Fluke's case, the student, may have in paying the monthly premium. (For the record, students at Georgetown University where Sandra Fluke is a student, pay 100% of their own premium toward their student health insurance.)
Do not allow the right wing to frame this issue in their terms. These are Earned Benefits. Say that.
2. Never say Redistribution of Wealth.
 –Instead, say Fair Wages For Work.
When we hear "redistribution," we think in terms of simply moving things around, not something earned by someone. And when you tack the word "wealth" onto it, everybody's hackles immediately go up. "What do you mean, redistribute my wealth? You don't get to take something from me and give it to someone else! I work hard for what I get; let other people work for their own money, not mine!"
But when we hear "fair wages for work," we know instantly that we are talking about paying working people a fair wage for the work they're doing, not giving them something they haven't actually earned. Since at least 1965, Republican policies have created a corporate culture that only rewards those at the very, very, very top of the pyramid. While the average "hourly wage" equivalent for CEOs has gone from $490.31 to $5,419.97 ($11,273,537.00 / year), the average hourly wage for workers has stagnated at $19.71. That's just $40,997.00 / year. The same $40,997.00 that we were earning in 1965. At 2012 inflation. We need fair wages for our work*—in today's dollars. Say that.
3. Never say Employer Paid Health Insurance.
 –Instead, say Employee Earned Health Insurance.
When we say "employer paid," we immediately think of it as something that's given to the employee by their employer. But as I pointed out in my blog post, "It's Not About Who Writes The Check—Stop The Republican Lie About Who Pays For Contraceptives," all employeehealth insurance is earned by virtue of the employee's labor. That makes it "paid for" by the employee, even if they aren't the ones writing the checks to the insurance companies themselves. Employee health insurance is just one of several forms of compensation in exchange for labor, that include cash, retirement funds, long- and short-term disability coverage, etc.
Employee health insurance is not a "gift," it is compensation in exchange for labor. Cease the labor and the compensation ceases right along with it. Employees earn their insurance. Say that.
4. Never say Government Spending.
  –Instead, say The People Are Investing.
When we hear "spending," we automatically think of going shopping and whipping out the credit card. And while government at every level often leverages their ability to borrow at low interest rates to fund their spending, it's hardly the same thing as going out and buying a dress you're only going to wear once and then hanging in the closet until it's out of style.
What governments actually do is invest in our cities, states, country and our people. Government invests in infrastructure that affords us the ability to move around freely. It invests in programs that train people with job skills. It invests in research that cures diseases. There is an actualbenefit to "spending" when a government does it, which actually makes it an investment in all our futures.
And who is "the government"? We, The People. It's a Constitutional phrase that evokes strong support for whatever follows. Democrats need to take Constitutional language back from the Republican party and make it ours again, since Democratic principles of equality and liberty were the driving forces behind the creation of this great nation in the first place.
We, The People, are investing in our future. Say it that way. Every time.
5. Never say Corporate America.
  –Instead, say Unelected Corporate Government.
Calling businesses "Corporate America" gives the impression that somehow corporations are the same as human Americans. But in spite of what the current Supreme Court would have you believe, they aren't.
In fact, in many ways in our daily lives, we are governed far more by corporations than we are by governments. Corporations govern where we shop, what we pay for goods and services, who gets access and who doesn't, how we communicate and what we pay for that privilege, and so on.
But more importantly, Corporations govern us by buying our legislators to do their bidding with campaign donations, and by actually writing legislation that makes it into our law books.Corporations govern when they privatize formerly-public, taxpayer-funded institutions, like schools, prisons and military operations. And unlike actual governments, they do it solely for theirbenefit and profits, not those of real American citizens.
And if there's one thing we know the right wing zealots claim not to like the most, it's "government interference in our lives." So what's worse than the government we actually elect to make our laws "interfering in our lives"? It's a government structure that we didn't even electinterfering in our lives.
Corporations are not "Corporate America," they are Unelected Corporate Government. Describe them that way and people will come to resent their presence in our public policy-making.
In closing, turning once again to Professor Lakoff, "Unfortunately, Luntz is still ahead of most progressives responding to him. Progressives need to learn how framing works. Bashing Luntz, bashing Fox News, bashing the right-wing pundits and leaders using their frames and arguing against their positions just keeps their frames in play. ... Progressives have magnificent stories of their own to tell. They need to be telling them nonstop. Let’s lure the right into using OUR frames in public discourse."
Let's start doing that by never saying any of the above five words and phrases again.


REFERENCES AND ADDITIONAL RECOMMENDED READING
▶ Framing the issues: UC Berkeley professor George Lakoff tells how conservatives use language to dominate politics ~ By Bonnie Azab Powell, NewsCenter
▶ Words That Don't Work ~ By George Lakoff (If you read nothing else from the below list, this article and the one immediately above are Must Reads.)
▶ The New American Lexicon ~ By Frank I. Luntz
▶ The Language Police: Gettin’ Jiggy with Frank Luntz ~ By by Nancy Snow at Common Dreams
▶ Frank Luntz Teaches GOP Governors How to Lie More Effectively ~ By Charles Johnson at Little Green Footballs
▶ How Republicans are being taught to talk about Occupy Wall Street ~ By Chris Moody at The Ticket
▶ Frank Luntz: New American Lexicon 2006 ~ By Political Cortex - Brain Food For The Body Politic
▶ The Worst Political Failure Of The Obama Administration ~ By Joe Weisenthal at Business Insider (Trust me, it's relevant—and not what you think it is. Great article.)
▶ Raise Taxes on Rich to Reward True Job Creators ~ By Nick Hanauer at Bloomberg Businessweek
▶ Koch, Exxon Mobil Among Corporations Helping Write State Laws ~ By Alison Fitzgerald at Bloomberg
▶ How to qualify for Medicare
This post originally appeared at Reelect Democrats. Please visit my blog for more of my posts.
"How wonderful it is that nobody need wait a single moment before starting to improve the world." ~ Anne Frank
By jillwklausen | Sourced from DailyKos 

Posted at March 19, 2012, 6:06 am



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Sandip K. Dasverma
Arise Awake Stop not till the goal is reached. - Swami Vivekananda Swami ji is my inspiration, not as a monk but as a social reformer and for his universal-ism.
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